Urien
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Template:Good article Template:Wn Template:Infobox royalty Urien ap Cynfarch Oer (Template:IPA) or Urien Rheged (Template:IPA, Old Welsh: Template:Lang or Template:Lang, Template:IPA) was a powerful sixth-century Brittonic-speaking figure who was possibly the ruler of the territory or kingdom known as Rheged. He is one of the best-known and best documented of the British figures of the 'Old North'.[1]Template:Efn His kingdom was most likely centred around the Solway Firth.Template:Efn According to the Historia Brittonum (Template:Circa), Urien gained the decisive advantage in a conflict against the Anglo-Saxons in northern Britain led an alliance with three other kings: Rhydderch Hen, Gwallog ap Llênog, and Morgan. The alliance led by Urien penned the Anglo-Saxons in at Lindisfarne, though this siege came to an abrupt end when Urien was murdered on the orders of his erstwhile ally Morgan.[2]
The most secure evidence for his existence comes the Historia Brittonum and eight praise-poems in Middle Welsh dedicated to him surviving in a fourteenth-century manuscript. Despite their being found in Middle Welsh orthography, the poems may possibly reflect earlier material, even material contemporaneous to Urien.[3] One of these poems is explicitly attributed to the famed poet Taliesin in the manuscript.Template:Efn Taliesin is understood to have been a contemporary of Urien due to the testimony of the Historia Brittonum, which roughly synchronises the poet's career to the reign of Ida of Bernicia (547 x 549), as well as the strong association some of the Template:Lang (Template:Circa) give between Taliesin and Urien.[4][5] The early material paints Urien as a ferocious warrior and a major political figure in his time, conquering Picts, Anglo-Saxons, and Britons of the 'Old North' alike.[6] He may also have been the leader of the force opposing the men commemorated in the Gododdin who were killed in the Battle of Catraeth.[7] In addition to this earlier material, Urien and his family feature heavily elsewhere in later medieval literature from Wales.
Outside of the Welsh context, he was later transformed in Arthurian legend into the figure of king Urien of Garlot or Gorre.[8] His most celebrated son, Owain, likewise gave his name to the Arthurian character of Ywain.[9]
Problems of interpretation
As with almost all figures of the early Middle Ages in Britain, the greatest difficulty when attempting to reconstruct Urien's life and career is how to interpret and reconcile our varied, late, and sometimes obscure, corrupt, or confused sources.[10] The only place associated with him which can be located securely is the place of his besieging of Theodric, which was Lindisfarne.Template:EfnTemplate:EfnTemplate:Efn Nevertheless, the other places which appear in conjunction with him are generally identified with places in the north of England and south of Scotland.[11]
Another difficulty with outlining Urien's career is that the poetry to him contained in the Book of Taliesin, possibly from his own time, does not contain much in the way of narrative or readily usable information about Urien and his deeds; instead, it ambiguously recalls events and extols Urien's virtues, leaving scholars to piece together any kind of reconstruction of events.[12] Likewise, beyond a general dating of the late sixth century, Urien's date of death (which is not memorialised in surviving panegyric) is very difficult to establish due to confused chronology of the Historia Brittonum. Due to the difficulties of this text, modern scholarship suggests Urien's death could have happened as early as 572 AD to as late as after Augustine's mission to the Kingdom of Kent in 597.[13] Setting problems of the interpretation of the material concerning Urien aside, it is clear that he was (or at least was taken to be in later times) a very important figure of the late sixth century, but because of these difficulties, it is best to judge each surviving source concerning him individually rather than smooth over problems or contradictions with each to create a cohesive narrative combining them all.[14]
Early Welsh material
Material found in Harley MS 3859
The earliest material giving evidence of Urien is to be found in Harley MS 3859, a manuscript copied Template:Circa in Saint Augustine's, Canterbury, or in an associated centre, possibly even across the Channel.[15] Together with various Classical texts, it contains the 'Harleian Genealogies' as well as a copy of the Historia Brittonum (written in 829-30 in Gwynedd) and the Annales Cambriae.[16] This manuscript is celebrated among Welsh manuscripts because of its early date and the material concerning the early Middle Ages found within it.[17] The Welsh material in Harley 3859 probably was compiled together in the exemplar of this manuscript, which was most likely written around 954 at St Davids in the reign of Owain ap Hywel Dda.[18] However, the genealogies were probably first composed before 872 in Gwynedd at the court of Owain's ancestor Rhodri Mawr to support the legitimacy of this dynasty to rule over Gwynedd and the Isle of Man.[19]
The 'Harleian Genealogies'
Urien's genealogy in Harley MS 3859 gives his patrilineal descent as 'Urien son of Cynfarch son of Meirchion son of Gwrwst son of Coel Hen.'Template:Efn His earliest recorded ancestor, Coel Hen, functioned as an origin point for many of the northern Brittonic-speaking dynasties of the early Middle Ages in Britain.[20] In modern scholarship, it is not generally held that Coel was an important historic figure or truly the ancestor of all these families, especially those extraneous dynasties given descent from him in the much later fifteenth century genealogical tracts titled Template:Lang.[21][1] Since the 'Coeling' first appear in genealogies together in Harley MS 3859 with the Historia Brittonum, which narrates the end of Urien's career, it is thought the compiler of the genealogies joined together the lineages of all the British (i.e. 'Welsh'-speaking) leaders mentioned in the Historia Brittonum to add context to the narrative.[22] Nothing is known of Urien's father Cynfarch, though he may have ruled over Rheged since later material makes reference to the family of the Cynferchyn (i.e., descendants of Cynfarch), which suggests he was important enough to be treated as an ancestor-figure.Template:Efn
Narrative in the Historia Brittonum

The Historia Brittonum is our only 'historical' record of Urien, though its usefulness for reconstructing history is often doubted, as it was compiled and adapted hundreds of years after Urien's death from various sources.Template:Efn Interestingly, in a later prologue attached to the text, the author of the Historia Brittonum claims to have assembled his text based on the work of Rhun, Urien's son, who is also credited with baptising Edwin of Northumbria, together with (or identical to) Paulinus of York, though this attribution is spurious.[2][23]Template:Efn Based on Bede and a Northumbrian source David Dumville called ‘the Anglian collection of royal genealogies and regnal lists’, the text synchronises Urien's life to the reign of Theodric (r. 572-579) and Hussa of Bernicia (r. 585-92).[2]
In this narrative, Urien took hostile action against Theodric, together with Rhydderch Hen, Gwallog ap Llênog, and Morgan, who are (excluding Rhydderch) all recorded as descendants of Coel in the genealogies contained in the same manuscript.[22] Echoing Gildas, it is said that the conflict between the Britons and the Saxons went back and forth, but Urien and his allies eventually gained the upper hand and besieged Theodric on Lindisfarne (Old Welsh: Template:Lang).[24] Urien, however, was killed at the instigation of Morgan, who, according to the author of the Historia Brittonum, was jealous of Urien's martial ability.[2] As Morgan is supposed to have come from Bernicia, a nearby territory to Lindisfarne, it has been suggested that Morgan at that moment felt more as threatened by Urien's powerful presence near his home than by the weakened Theodric.[25]
However, Hussa (not just Theodric) is directly described as Urien's foe in the first sentence, which leads to difficulties of interpretation.[26] Kenneth Jackson suggested this meant either that Urien fought against Theodric and Hussa before the latter's reign or that the chronology here is wrong and that the narrative refers to the reigns of Ida's sons in general.[27] Ian Lovecy understood the reference to Theodric as a long parenthesis indicating that formerly the struggle went both ways, but not in Urien's last campaign against Hussa.[28] David Dumville understood the text to refer to the warfare of all four British kings against the five English kings previously named in the Historia Brittonum besides Hussa, that is, from the reigns of Adda to Hussa.[29] The next king is Æthelfrith, who took the throne Template:Circa, and so Urien could even have died as late as this.[30] However, the section of the Historia Brittonum preceding this narrative records the Christianisation of Kent (occurring in 596-7) as occurring in the reign of Frithuwald (reigned 579-85), implying Urien's campaigns could even have been after 597.[31] This is one of many places in the Historia Brittonum with a confused chronology. For this reason, Patrick Sims-Williams cast doubt on the reliability of the chronology concerning Urien and his campaigns against the Anglo-Saxons, leaving the date of Urien's death an open question.[32]
Poetry to Urien in the Book of Taliesin
Much like many cultures in north-western Europe during Late Antiquity, medieval Welsh culture valued praise-poetry, or poems praising the virtues of a leading political figure.Template:Efn Urien has the almost unique distinction of having a sizeable body of possibly contemporaneous poems dedicated to him in the Book of Taliesin (Peniarth MS 2), a Middle Welsh manuscript of the early fourteenth century. Twelve poems in this manuscript are taken to be 'historical', that is, possibly reflecting genuine sixth-century material and devoid of supernatural or gnomic content.[33] The eight poems in this manuscript which address Urien are:
- 'Template:Lang'
- 'Template:Lang'
- 'Template:Lang'
- 'Template:Lang'
- 'Template:Lang'
- 'Template:Lang'
- 'Template:Lang'
- 'Template:Lang'
The other 'historic' poems are a poem to Cynan Garwyn, one to Owain ab Urien, and two to Gwallog ap Llênog.[34] The dating of these poems is still hotly debated between those who see the poems as reflecting early material, and those who favour a later date.Template:Efn Only one poem of these twelve, 'Yspeil Taliessin', is explicitly attributed to Urien's court poet Taliesin in the manuscript, but since Taliesin was strongly associated with Urien in later medieval Welsh literature, and the bulk of the content of the manuscript is to do with Taliesin, the name of the book has stuck.[35]Template:Efn Seven of the 'historical' poems to Urien (including 'Yspeil Taliessin') end with the same 'refrain', so it would appear that they were seen as works of Taliesin in the Middle Ages as well. Taliesin is mentioned in the Historia Brittonum, though his life is synchronised to the reign of Ida of Bernicia (547 x 559), slightly before Urien's reign.[36] It is not likely that Taliesin would have been only active for twelve years, but this may be when he began to be famed for poetry, though this is another example of the difficult chronology throughout the text.[37] Taliesin was very well known for his poetic skill in later medieval Wales, and all sorts of legends sprang up about him attributing to him magic powers, including many poems 'in character' attributed to him, and these poems form the bulk of the manuscript.Template:Efn
These poems are in sometimes obscure language and do not offer very much in the way of clear biographical information about Urien. Much of the place-name evidence of these poems is understood to refer to places in modern-day Cumbria, though Urien is also said to have led battle in the area of the River Ayr, in the Brittonic-speaking kingdom of Strathclyde, and perhaps against the Picts.[38] He is also recorded as fighting against the English, much like he is said to have done in the Historia Brittonum.[39] One poem mentions Urien and Owain as having fought one 'Fflamddwyn' (meaning 'flame-bearing'), which has been traditionally identified as a kenning referring to one of Ida's sons, perhaps even Theodric. Owain ab Urien is praised for killing Fflanddwyn alongside a 'broad host of English' in another poem, and the practice of giving Welsh nicknames to early Northern Anglo-Saxon kings is common in the Historia Brittonum.[40] One dadolwch, or reconciliation-poem, also survives, implying that Taliesin ran afoul of Urien at some point and was obliged to get back into his good graces.[41]
Urien and the Battle of Catraeth

In addition to Taliesin, the sole other early Welsh poet to whom surviving poetry is attributed is Aneirin. Aneirin is credited as the author of the Gododdin, a collection of elegies surviving in a thirteenth-century manuscript for warriors who were slain in the Battle of Catraeth in the latter half of the sixth century AD.[42] The warriors commemorated in the poem are uniformly Brittonic-speaking, and their enemies are described as Template:Lang (Angles), Template:Lang (Saxons), and Template:Lang or Template:Lang (Deirans).[43] For this reason, the poem is traditionally understood, both in the Middle Ages and in most modern scholarship, to have commemorated a battle between Brittonic-speaking warriors led by a king of the Gododdin and the Anglo-Saxons who had begun to settle the north-eastern coast of Britain.[44][45] According to this interpretation of the text, the confrontation was on by the recent conquest by the Anglo-Saxons of the old Roman fort of Cataractonium (giving Catraeth in Welsh), which was situated on an important crossroads.[46][47] However, John Koch's commentary on the Gododdin radically challenges this interpretation, and places Urien as the leader of the forces opposing the figures commemorated in the Gododdin at Catraeth in Template:Circa AD.[48]
References to Catraeth outside the Gododdin
There are two references to Catraeth in the poetry concerning Urien attributed to Taliesin. The opening line of the second poem in Ifor William's edition is Template:Lang, 'the men of Catraeth arise with the day'.[49] In this poem, the 'men of Catraeth' are described as following Urien on his various campaigns, and the poem makes reference to a certain 'Battle of Gwen Ystrad'.[50] The narrator in 'Yspeil Taliesin' also says Template:Lang 'I saw the lord of Catraeth [i.e. Urien] across the plains'.[51][52]
John T. Koch reconstructed 'Template:Lang' in what it should have looked like in sixth-century Common Brittonic and judged the poem to be authentic to this period based on his understanding that it contains fossilised forms of words which reflect the Brittonic language before it lost case endings in the mid-sixth century.[53][54] He also referenced another poem, 'Moliant Cadwallon', probably a genuine seventh-century panegyric to Cadwallon ap Cadfan, which says 'Fierce Gwallog caused the greatly renowned death toll at Catraeth'.[55][56][57] This Gwallog is presumably Gwallog ap Llênog, the ruler of Elmet who fought alongside Urien against the Anglo-Saxons in the narrative of the Historia Brittonum discussed above.[58][59][60]
John Koch's reconstruction of the Battle of Catraeth
However, just as there are references to Catraeth outside of the Gododdin, so there appears to be a reference to Urien and Gwallog in it. One stanza (A.15 in Ifor Williams' edition) begins: Template:Col-begin Template:Col-2
- It is concerning Catraeth’s variegated and ruddy [land] that it is told —
- the followers fell; long were the lamentations for them,
- the immortalised men; [but] it was not as immortals that they fought for territory
- against the descendants of Godebog, the rightful faction:
- long biers bore off blood-stained bodies.[62]
The 'descendants of Godebog' here could refer to Urien and Gwallog, as another epithet of Coel Hen, their shared ancestor, is Template:Lang, meaning 'protector'.[63][64] Rachel Bromwich supported an emendation of this line, deleting the preposition Template:Lang 'with'. This would make the line mean 'not as undying men did the descendants of Godebog fight for the land' and suggests the descendants of Godebog were allies of the heroes of the Gododdin.[65] However, John Koch rejected this emendation on the grounds that it would leave the line a syllable short of the ten syllable metre of in the stanza.[66] Therefore, according to John Koch, 'Template:Lang', the Gododdin, and 'Moliant Cadwallon' all refer to the same Battle of Catraeth, with Urien and Gwallog opposing a force made up of the Gododdin forces and a contingent from Strathclyde under Cynon ap Clydno.[67]
The impetus for the battle in Koch's understanding of events is linked to the presence of one Madog Elfed among the commemorated heroes of the Gododdin. His epithet implies he was a royal of Elfed (like Urien Rheged), and so he may have been a claimant to rule the region supported by the Gododdin and in opposition to Gwallog and Urien.[68] As the quickest route from Gododdin to Elfed would pass through Catraeth, the battle therefore was a result of the forces of Urien cutting off the Gododdin force at the important crossroads there. The presence of the Anglo-Saxons, Koch argues, can be understood as representing Urien's overlordship over the Anglo-Saxons of Deira, with the Bernicians having been allied with the Gododdin force.[69] Since the Bernicians are conspicuously absent from the enemies of the Gododdin in the poem, and likewise are the Deirans from the poetry surrounding Urien and in the narrative in the Historia Brittonum, Koch argued that the element of racial warfare in the poem is secondary to the composition of the text, after the loss of Britain to the English was cemented in the Welsh mind.[70]
Receptions of Koch's hypothesis
While Koch's textual reconstruction of the Gododdin in sixth-century Welsh was lauded as being accomplished and accurate, the date he proposed for the Gododdin, his historical background for the battle, and his account of the transmission of the text remain controversial.[71][72] In particular, Graham R. Isaac strongly rejected Koch's date for 'Template:Lang', and dated the poem to between 1050 and 1150 based on the metrically important prosthetic vowel in the words Template:Lang and Template:Lang in one line of the poem.[73] Were this the case, Koch's understanding of the background, transmission, and historical importance of the Gododdin would be severely damaged, and while his is not the mainstream opinion on the text, debate on this matter still continues.[74]
Later Welsh material
Saga poetry and Canu Urien
Due to his appearance in early poetry and central place in the narrative of the Historia Brittonum, Urien became a figure in the body of later Welsh literature concerning the 'Old North', which functioned as the setting for much medieval Welsh literature.[75] One such piece of literature concerning Urien, or more accurately Urien's sons, is fittingly called the 'Urien Rheged' cycle (Welsh: Template:Lang) by modern scholars, as the poems are concerned with the events in Rheged after the killing of Urien.[76] The poems survive mainly from two Middle Welsh manuscripts, the Black Book of Carmarthen (c. 1250) and the Red Book of Hergest (after 1382). Nevertheless, Canu Urien is generally understood to be a copy Old Welsh-period material, dated to around the same period of the Historia Brittonum.[77][78] This material is called 'saga poetry' by comparison with Icelandic sagas, because like the Icelandic material, the Welsh poems are thought to have been taken from longer, partly prose (or oral) works, and because they both might reflect earlier history through a literary lens.[79]
Though one of Urien's allies in the narrative of the Historia Brittonum was Gwallog ap Llênog, he is recorded as having fought against Urien's son Elffin in another one of the poems in this cycle, "Dwy Blaid". Likewise, one Dunod fought with Owain, while Brân ab Ymellyrn and Morgan – the orderer of Urien's killing – fought the narrator.[80] The identification of the narrator of these poems has been the subject of some debate. Ifor Williams understood him to be Llywarch Hen, Urien's cousin and the subject of his own cycle of poems lamenting his old age.[81] However, Jenny Rowland thought he must be some other figure, perhaps one of Urien's nephews by his sister Efrddyl, since their grief may be emphasised due to their conflicting ties of kindred, and that Llywarch was not in her eyes a heroic figure.[82] In response to this, Patrick Sims-Williams put forth powerful arguments based on the text and its history to identify the narrator with Llywarch Hen after all. Chief among these are the fact that the narrator addresses Urien as Template:Lang 'first cousin', and that the weight of evidence about Llywarch in the eyes of later medieval Welshmen suggests they viewed him as a great warrior, even if he suffered in old age.[83]
The most impactful and moving poems from this cycle are given the titles 'Template:Lang' (Urien's Head) and 'Template:Lang' (Urien's corpse) by modern scholarship.[84] They relate the immediate aftermath of Urien's killing, with the name of the assassin given in another poem as Llofan Llaw Ddifro.[85] In 'Template:Lang' and 'Template:Lang', the narrator was forced to finish Urien off and strike off his head, with the implication that it was unsafe to carry Urien's entire body home for burial. The narrator laments his fortune that he must leave the body of his caring lord behind and curses his hand for carrying out this grim task.
'Template:Lang' (Welsh) | English translation | 'Template:Lang' (Welsh) | English translation |
---|---|---|---|
Template:Lang | I carry a head on my side: he was an attacker between two hosts, the proud son of Cynfarch is he whose it was. |
Template:Lang | The slender white corpse is being buried today under soil and stones. Alas, my hand, for the killing of Owain's father. |
Template:Lang | I carry a head on my side, the head of generous Urien – he used to lead a host. And on his white breast is a black raven. |
Template:Lang | The slender white corpse is being buried today in soil and an oak coffin. Alas, my hand, for the killing of my cousin. |
Template:Lang | I carry a head on my belt, the head of generous Urien – he used to rule a court. And ravens on his white breast consume him. |
Template:Lang | The slender white corpse is being buried today – under stones it has been left. Alas, my hand, for the fate which was fated for me. |
Template:Lang | I carry a head in my hand. He was shepherd over Erechwydd, lord and soldier, a spender of spears. |
Template:Lang | The slender white corpse is being buried today amidst soil and sods. Alas, my hand, for the killing of the son of Cynfarch. |
Template:Lang | I carry a head on the side of my thigh. He was a shield over the country, a wheel in battle, he was a prop in war, a snare of the enemy. |
Template:Lang | The slender white corpse is being buried today under earth and a standard. Alas, my hand, for the killing of my lord. |
Template:Lang | I carry a head on my right side – better he alive than in his grave. He was a fortress for the aged. |
Template:Lang | The slender white corpse is being buried today under soil and sand. Alas, my hand, for the fate which has befallen me. |
Template:Lang | I carry a head from the region of Pennawg – his hosts were far-travelling – the head of eloquent and celebrated Urien. |
Template:Lang | The slender white corpse is being buried today under soil and nettles. Alas, my hand, for the fate which has been brought about for me. |
Template:Lang | I carry a head on my shoulder – shame did not use to receive me – alas, my hand, (for) the striking of my lord. |
Template:Lang | The slender white corpse is being buried today under soil and grey stones. Alas, my hand – it caused my fate. |
Template:Lang | I carry a head on my arm. He made of the Bernicians after battle a burden for biers. | ||
Pen a borthaf o dv Paul pen vrien udd dragonawl a chyd del dydd brawd ni'm tawr |
I carry a head from the side of a post, the head of Urien, a warlike lord, and though Judgment Day were to come I do not care. | ||
Template:Lang | I carry a head in the grasp of my hand of a generous lord - he used to lead a country. The chief support of Britain has been carried off. | ||
Template:Lang | I carry a head which cared for me. I know it is not for my good. Alas, my hand, it performed harshly. | ||
Template:Lang | I carry a head from the side of the hill and on his lips is a fine foam of blood. Woe to Rheged because of this day. | ||
Template:Lang | It has wrenched my arm, it has crushed my ribs, it has broken my heart. I carry a head which cared for me. |
Urien in other medieval Welsh literature
Urien is mentioned in passing in the Llywarch Hen cycle, poems about the sufferings of his cousin Llywarch and written with the poet speaking from Llywarch's point of view. They are, like Canu Urien, certainly later than Llywarch and Urien's time. Urien is recorded as supplying Llywarch's last surviving son Gwên with a horn which Llywarch advises Gwên to blow if he needs aid while on guard at night.[86]
In the mnemonic devices known as the Welsh Triads, intended for poets to recall traditional stories, Urien is mentioned repeatedly. These mostly agree with the testimony of the Historia Brittonum and the other early sources, though there are some references to the later traditions.[87] Urien is one of the 'Three Armoured Warriors', 'Three battle-rulers', and 'Three Holy Womb-burdens'. The latter gives his mother as Nefyn ferch Brychan Brycheiniog, and his wife as Modron ferch Afallach. Likewise, his killing at the hands of Llofan Llaw Ddifo is one of the 'Three Unfortunate Slaughters'.[88] There are chronological impossibilities with associating his wife with a daughter of Brychan, however, and Modron is a purely legendary figure, whose first association with Urien is in this triad.[89] Nevertheless, these show the enduring interest in Urien in the later Middle Ages, and the invention of tradition to satisfy continued regard for his life and deeds.Template:Efn
As well as Taliesin, Urien was supposed to have employed a poet named Tristfardd (literally 'sad poet'), as recorded in another triad, which calls Tristfardd one of the 'Three Red-Speared Bards'.[90] Three englynion preserved in a very late manuscript record a story recounting how this Tristfardd secretly courted Urien's wife, and, not recognising the king, sent a disguised Urien to send a message to her. Urien slew Tristfardd for this offence at 'Rhyd Tristfardd', supposed to be in Radnorshire.[91] This is a late tradition, and runs contrary to the association of Urien with Taliesin and the very strong association of Urien with the North, though it seems probable that this story was affixed to the name of Trisfardd even later than his appearance in the Triads.[92]
Literature about Urien, whether reflecting early material or not, seems to have circulated in more channels than survive to the present. This can be evidenced by the twelfth-century poet Cynddelw Brydydd Mawr's attribution of the 'wrath of Urien' to his patron Owain Cyfeiliog, using the form Urfoën (Middle Welsh: Template:Lang).[93] This reflects an older form of the name (reconstructed as a Common Brittonic form Template:Lang) which retained the composition vowel. This vowel is reflected in a weakened form /ə/ in one rendition of Urien's name in the Historia Brittonum, Template:Lang (Template:IPA).[94] Kenneth Jackson dated the loss of this vowel to the sixth century in Welsh, and Ifor Williams went so far as to say the trisyllabic form must be reinserted in one of the Taliesin poems to rectify a defect in the metre in a line in one poem.[95] Assuming Cynddelw did not independently create this form so that he might fill the metre of this line in his own poem, this gives the tantalising suggestion that he was reading sources about Urien which do not survive to us, or that this name survived in a fossilised spoken form as a part of bardic lore.[96]
The rebellion of Rhys 'FitzUryen' ap Gruffydd
Like many other figures of the Early Middle Ages in Welsh tradition, Urien captured interest in Wales even a millennium after his death. In the sixteenth century, Rhys ap Gruffydd, a grandson of the Rhys ap Thomas who greatly aided Henry Tudor at the Battle of Bosworth Field, was disinherited from his grandfather's estates by order of Henry VIII. The king instead gave these lands to his follower Walter Devereux. This greatly incensed Rhys, who then began a long feud with Devereux, which ultimately led to the execution of Rhys on charges of treason. Just like Henry Tudor, Rhys tried to weaponise political prophecy to gather support for his cause in Wales. He was accused of going by the name 'FitzUryen' (son of Urien) and attempting to gain support from James V of Scotland to make himself an independent Prince of Wales.[97] Rhys claimed to be a member of the house of Dinefwr, which originated with Rhodri Mawr's son Cadell. Rhodri's ancestry claims an origin from Llywarch Hen, which would make Rhys ap Gruffydd a distant relative of Urien.Template:Efn As Urien was remembered for his battles against the English, the authorities feared he would be able to capitalise on anti-English sentiment in Wales. Urien's son Owain was associated with ravens in later Welsh literature, and Rhys ap Gruffydd, together with his grandfather Rhys ap Thomas, bore three ravens on their coat of arms, which were called the 'ravens of Urien' by contemporaneous poets such as Guto'r Glyn and Lewys Glyn Cothi.[98][99][100]
Arthurian legend
Geoffrey of Monmouth, drawing on Welsh sources and his own imagination, adapted Urien into Arthurian legend, and made him known across Europe with the explosive popularity of his Template:Lang. In Geoffrey's telling, taken on by many following him, Urien is one of three brothers who ruled Scotland before the Saxon invasion – the others being Lot of Lothian, and Augusel. After freeing Scotland, Arthur restored the throne of Alba to Augusel, and made Urien king of Mureif (perhaps Monreith, or Moray). Urien's son Eventus later succeeds Augusel as king of Alba.[101]
Romances

In the 13th-century Arthurian chivalric romances, the location of his kingdom is transferred to either Garloth (Garlot) or the otherworldly and magical Kingdom of Gorre (Gore). During the reign of Uther Pendragon, Arthur's father, Urien (or Uriens) marries a sister or half-sister of the young Arthur. She is either Morgan or one of the others, such as Hermesan in the Livre d'Artus and Blasine in Of Arthour and of Merlin.[8] Urien, like the kings of several other lands, initially opposes Arthur's accession to the throne after Uther's death. He and the others rebel against the young monarch (with Urien even briefly kidnapping Arthur's wife Guinevere in the Livre d'Artus).[8] Upon their defeat, he is among the rebel leaders who become Arthur's allies and vassals. His marriage to Morgan is not portrayed as a happy one, however, as in a popular version from the Post-Vulgate Cycle (later included in Thomas Malory's influential Le Morte d'Arthur) Morgan plots to use Excalibur to kill both Urien and Arthur and place herself and her lover Accolon on the throne. Morgan fails in both parts of that plan, foiled by their own son and by the Lady of the Lake, respectively.[8]
Urien is usually said to be the father of Ywain (Owain) by Morgan, but many texts also give him a second son, Ywain the Bastard, fathered on his seneschal's wife. Welsh tradition further attributes to him a daughter named Morfudd by Modron.[8]
According to Roger Sherman Loomis, the name and character of another Arthurian king, Nentres of Garlot (in Malory, the husband of Arthur's sister Elaine), could have been derived from that of Urien.[102] Malory spells Urien's name as Urience of Gorre, which has led some later authors (e.g. Alfred Tennyson) to identify him with Arthur's relentless rival King Rience.[103]
In the Didot-Perceval manuscript of the Perceval en prose (c. 1200), Perceval fights Urbain, son of the Queen of the Black Thorn (Reine de la Noire Espine) and defender of a ford and an invisible castle. Following Urbain's defeat, a flock of monstrous ravens attacks Perceval, who manages to wound one of them which immediately transforms into a beautiful young girl, soon carried off by the other birds to Avalon. Urbain explains that she is the sister of his fairy mistress and her attendants. According to Loomis, the story's Urbain corresponds to Urien, father of Owain (Yvain) and husband of Morgen (Morgan), the latter being the equivalent of the Welsh Modron and the Irish Morrígan ("Great Queen").[104][105] However, modern scholarship in the field of Celtic studies strongly disapproves of this and other mythologising and equation of Welsh and Irish material haphazardly.[106][107]
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Further reading
Template:Hen Ogledd Template:Arthurian Legend Template:Authority control
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 Template:Harvnb, "Urien of Rheged"
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- ↑ Template:Harvnb. For the identification of Fflamddwyn with a son of Ida, see p. lxi.
- ↑ Template:Harvnb. The dadolwch was practiced by Welsh poets who offended their patrons well into the late Middle Ages, where one may find plenty of examples.
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- ↑ Template:Harvnb: "A king whose name appears in the Vulgate Cycle frequently as Uentres or Nentres was derived from the name Urien, borne originally by a king of the Britons of Strathclyde in the seventh century. Besides the test of an established transmission that derivation can be supported by two other tests: a community of relationships between Urien and Uentres, and an explanation of the latter corrupt form. According to the Huth Merlin, Morgain is given in marriage to Urien of Garlot; according to the English Merlin, Morgan, a bastard daughter of Ygerne, is given to Neutre of Sorhaut. (...) Urien is king of Garlot in the Huth Merlin, and of Gorre in Malory, but Sorhaut is a city within his borders. So marked an equation of Urien and Uentres as husbands of Morgain and as lords of Garlot and Sorhaut should suggest a confusion between the names."
- ↑ Template:Harvnb, see note 36 on p. 306
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